Rothbard…
"We have seen already that there can be only one business cycle at a time – the real, or evident one, the one that actually shows up in all the data – and that this cycle is emphatically not periodic. One of the mystical “cycles” that has been getting a lot of play from time to time is the flimsiest “cycle” of them all: the Kondratieff long cycle. The Kondratieff is supposed to be a strictly, or at least roughly, periodic cycle of about 54 years, which allegedly underlies and dominates the genuine cycles for which we have actual data. Even though, as we shall see, this cycle is strictly a figment of its fevered adherents’ imagination, there does seem to be some sort of cycle in the periods when the “Kondratieff” captures the interest of financial and economic analysts.
(…)
"Let us then look more closely at the long contraction, or “long depression,” phases of the Kondratieff cycle. To make any sense, they should in some way look and feel like depressions, like grim periods of decline in business activity. The first Kondratieff long depression was supposed to be the period 1814-1849. But these thirty-five years were by and large a period of great expansion, prosperity and economic growth for the United States, England and France, the three countries Kondratieff used for his statistical analysis. And what of the second Kondratieff depression, the period 1866–96? Was that in any sense a depression? For the United States, and to a large extent for Western Europe as well, this was the period of the most dazzling spurt of production and economic growth in the history of the world. Production and living standards skyrocketed. How in the world could three such glorious decades be called a period of secular decline?
Obviously, it is absurd to call these periods long-wave depressions. The point is that in real terms – production, activity, growth, employment – these “Kondratieff depressions” were all periods of gigantic growth and prosperity. The only sense in which the two nineteenth-century “Kondratieff contractions” were contractions at all is that prices, by and large, fell during those decades. And that is that.
But if only prices fell, while all real or physical units increased, this means that the Kondratieff contractions could only be considered depressions if we define periods of falling prices as depressions or declines in economic well-being. And here we have one of the many fundamental fallacies of the Kondratieff doctrine.
Prices fell during most of the nineteenth century because prices always tend to fall on the free market. The natural course of events is for free market capitalism to pour forth an ever-increasing supply of goods and services, ever more production, and ever greater increases in the standard of living of everyone. If the government and its banking system do not inflate the money supply too much, prices will always tend to fall. But this does not mean depression in any sense, because costs are falling also, and productivity and production rising, so that business profits are in no way hurt by the price decline. Think of the computer and calculator industries in recent years, with their great rise in productivity and fall in prices, coupled with high growth and profits, and you will understand how this can work for free-market capitalism over many decades and epochs."