Beginner’s Questions

I’m just beginning to learn about Austrian Economics, and intrigued by the libertarian philosophy. I know that some of these questions below may have been asked before on previous posts, but i will ask them anyway :slight_smile:

a. I assume that Austrian agreed that a country doesn’t need too much regulation (at all?). But how about when there are things that looks like it need to be regulated? (for example: say traffic lights regulation on the road, what it will become if there are no such regulation? Or take financial industy, where there are frauds or a false sales pitch that does not consider risk, if there are no regulation implemented).

b. What about Reaganomics? I see in some documentaries that Ronald Reagan is one of the free market’s believer in US, but some of the people in Austrian forum said that he’s not.. Would someone gives an explanation about this?

c. As far as i know, even though Austrian has many different believes from the Keynesian, they both agree on the forces of Supply & Demand.. Then, what other theories that all types of economics school agree on?

d. I know in Austrian economics argues, that socialism doesn’t work. Free market is the one that all country should adapt. But if we take a look at England, they are using goverment national healthcare, and until now there are no severe problems (i think) that will crumble the national healthcare, isn’t it? Or is it just a matter of time that all goverment-related programs will have to wait for it’s doom?

e. At lastly, I read that Austrians does not use statistic for its theories. I’m fully agreed on this, for we’re never able to predict the real outcome of an economics phenomenon based on a ceteris paribus theories, when there’re too many variables that have to be included to predict any outcome. But when it comes to predict election polls, it have a rather accurate result (although i’m not entirely sure). The question is: Are statistics itself can’t be applied on any fields (such as manufacturing, marketing, etc)? Or is it can’t be applied only on economics?

I’ll answer some of these later when I am feeling less ill, but on the last point, keep in mind that one isn’t building theories off the predictions they make on votes. Economists, OTOH, use the hypothetico-deductive method to first make a prediction and then try corroborate it with so-called data. And this is where the problem arises. It’s not against the use of statistics in general that Austrians rail, but only when it is used to generate the theorems of social science.

-Jon

Like Jon, I am under the weather today, but I will take a shot at a couple of these.

The government regulates because theoretically, the people regulate the government. Likewise, private roads would either self-regulate in order to keep their customers alive and safe, or their customers would demand that they regulate in order to serve the widest possible demographic (increase sales).

As a toll road operator, I have an incentive to make my roads safe so that people use them.

The regulation by the government, whether it is roads or finance, suffers from the issue of sovereign immunity. If it is determined that the city has set inappropriate and unsafe speed limits or road signs, you cannot sue them. In all areas of social management, the state has sovereign immunity. Now, imagine a regulator who can go bankrupt and lose their business if they make a mistake? They will be much more careful.

In areas like finance, the state provides regulation and oversight, but with sovereign immunity, they are free from being responsible to the consumer, while creating a moral hazard, because the consumer assumes the government has verified these operations and judged them to be legitimate and safe. Meanwhile, special interests pay the government to look the other way, knowing that if something goes wrong, the consumer will have to pay for it, and have no recourse except voting, which could be years off.

Reganomics is nonsense. The free market ideology of such was a lot of hot air. Reaganomics was actually a lot of military spending, or “Military Keynesianism” as Chalmers Johnson would put it.

Which Austrian forum are you referring to?

Why should severe problems be the standard by which the system is judged? How about,

  • Is it efficient?
  • Is it fiscally responsible?
  • Is the level of care high?
  • Is it sustainable?

The system might not crumble any time soon. But that does not mean it is the best system, the most competitive system, the most moral system, the most effective system.

There is the Misesian calculation argument against socialism, and there is also the issue of free riders. Already free riders have poisoned the system in Canada, I can’t see my family doctor without an appointment, still waiting 1 hour more in the waiting room, while he sees the same senior citizens who go to him daily as an excuse to get out of the house.

Not only did they not pay in for this level of service when they were working, but they are totally abusing a finite resource that is much in demand.

The issue with socialism always boils down to, by what right do others have to take my property? Without a right to own my property, free from theft or coercion, then I cannot be free. Socialism takes from some, to give to the many. That’s fine if it is done of free will, but I think we all know that if taxes were voluntary, many of us would not pay them. And this does not mean we would allow a society of beggars and have nots to grow up around us, but that we would more efficiently manage resources through charity, than the mass extortion conducted by the state, and squandered in endless boondoggles and schemes of waste.

Thanks for asking questions

I respond, unfortunatly most of the time no matter how tired or drunk, etc’s I am. Mostly I’m lookin’ for any folks willing to actually argue for real.

  • A. (I hope you know the ass-u-me joke) First when you think of regulation, be reminded that “the more rules you make the more theives you create”~ Lao Tzu. It is important to recognize that these regulations need folks to enforce them? Do they? If one is principled in autarchy(self rule), than one creates for himself what is his own proper order. I tend to think when one is honest, he is self governed quite well. Also all must ask “what is the proper role of government, if any”. On road socialism LISTEN to Dr. Block.
  • B. I am not an expert on Reagan, but my impression was that he was a nice man that was easy to manipulate. You may want to see what he said, and then decide how much of that was his words, or what his soothsayers put in his actors head.
  • C. Scarcity=supply and demand? All goods are scarce, in nature all things have a unique diversity. I find all schools agree with logic. When it comes to reasoning. A fantastic start is the study of logic. Take a class or find a textbook.
  • D. It is not capitalism that is the opposite of socialism, it is individualism. Please listen to a hero of mine.
  • E. math is great at describing physics and statistics. From any given point however ther may be infinite possibilities. Please take the short time to read…[um]

2. The Epistemological Problem of a General Theory of Human Action


In the new science everything seemed to be problematic. It was a stranger in the traditional system of knowledge; people were perplexed and did not know how to classify it and to assign it its proper place. But on the other hand they were convinced that the inclusion of economics in the catalogue of knowledge did not require a rearrangement or expansion of the total scheme. They considered their catalogue system complete. If economics did not fit into it, the fault could only rest with the unsatisfactory treatment that the economists applied to their problems.

It is a complete misunderstanding of the meaning of the debates concerning the essence, scope, and logical character of economics to dismiss them as the scholastic quibbling of pedantic professors. It is a widespread misconception that while pedants squandered useless talk about the most appropriate method of procedure, economics itself, indifferent to these idle disputes, went quietly on its way. In the Methodenstreit between the Austrian economists and the Prussian Historical School, the self-styled “intellectual bodyguard of the House of Hohenzollern,” and in the discussions between the school of John Bates Clark and American Institutionalism much more was at stake than the question of what kind of procedure was the most fruitful one. The real issue was the epistemological foundations of the science of human action and its logical legitimacy. Starting from an epistemological system to which praxeological thinking was strange and from a logic which acknowledged as scientific–besides logic and mathematics–only the empirical natural sciences and history, many authors tried to deny the value and usefulness of economic theory. Historicism aimed at replacing it by economic history; positivism recommended the substitution of an illusory social science which should adopt the logical structure and pattern of Newtonian mechanics. Both these schools agreed in a radical rejection of all the achievements of economic thought. It was impossible for the economists to keep silent in the face of all these attacks.

The radicalism of this wholesale condemnation of economics was very soon surpassed by a still more universal nihilism. From time immemorial men in thinking, speaking, and acting had taken the uniformity and immutability of the logical structure of the human mind as an unquestionable fact. All scientific inquiry was based on this assumption. In the discussions about the epistemological character of economics, writers, for the first time in human history, denied this [p. 5] proposition too. Marxism asserts that a man’s thinking is determined by his class affiliation. Every social class has a logic of its own. The product of thought cannot be anything else than an “ideological disguise” of the selfish class interests of the thinker. It is the task of a “sociology of knowledge” to unmask philosophies and scientific theories and to expose their “ideological” emptiness. Economics is a “bourgeois” makeshift, the economists are “sycophants” of capital. Only the classless society of the socialist utopia will substitute truth for “ideological” lies.

This polylogism was later taught in various other forms also. Historicism asserts that the logical structure of human thought and action is liable to change in the course of historical evolution. Racial polylogism assign to each race a logic of its own. Finally there is irrationalism, contending that reason as such is not fit to elucidate the irrational forces that determine human behavior.

Such doctrines go far beyond the limits of economics. They question not only economics and praxeology but all other human knowledge and human reasoning in general. They refer to mathematics and physics as well as to economics. It seems therefore that the task of refuting them does not fall to any single branch of knowledge but to epistemology and philosophy. This furnishes apparent justification for the attitude of those economists who quietly continue their studies without bothering about epistemological problems and the objections raised by polylogism and irrationalism. The physicist does not mind if someone stigmatizes his theories as bourgeois, Western or Jewish; in the same way the economist should ignore detraction and slander. He should let the dogs bark and pay no heed to their yelping. It is seemly for him to remember Spinoza’s dictum: Sane sicut lux se ipsam et tenebras manifestat, sic veritas norma sui et falsi est.

However, the situation is not quite the same with regard to economics as it is with mathematics and the natural sciences. Polylogism and irrationalism attack praxeology and economics. Although they formulate their statements in a general way to refer to all branches of knowledge, it is the sciences of human action that they really have in view. They say that it is an illusion to believe that scientific research can achieve results valid for people of all eras, races, and social classes, and they take pleasure in disparaging certain physical and biological theories as bourgeois or Western, But if the solution of practical problems requires the application of these stigmatized doctrines, they forget their criticism. The technology of Soviet Russia utilizes without scruple all the results of bourgeois physics, chemistry, [p. 6] and biology just as if they were valid for all classes. The Nazi engineers and physicians did not disdain to utilize the theories, discoveries, and inventions of people of “inferior” races and nations. The behavior of people of all races, nations, religions, linguistic groups, and social classes clearly proves that they do not endorse the doctrines of polylogism and irrationalism as far as logic, mathematics, and the natural sciences are concerned.

But it is quite different with praxeology and economics. The main motive for the development of the doctrines of polylogism, historicism, and irrationalism was to provide a justification for disregarding the teachings of economics in the determination of economic policies. The socialists, racists, nationalists, and etatists failed in their endeavors to refute the theories of the economists and to demonstrate the correctness of their own spurious doctrines. It was precisely this frustration that prompted them to negate the logical and epistemological principles upon which all human reasoning both in mundane activities and in scientific research is founded.

It is not permissible to dispose of these objections merely on the ground of the political motives which inspired them. No scientist is entitled to assume beforehand that a disapprobation of his theories must be unfounded because his critics are imbued by passion and party bias. He is bound to reply to every censure without any regard to its underlying motives or its background. It is no less impermissible to keep silent in the face of the often asserted opinion that the theorems of economics are valid only under hypothetical assumptions never realized in life and that they are therefore useless for the mental grasp of reality. It is strange that some schools seem to approve of this opinion and nonetheless quietly proceed to draw their curves and to formulate their equations. They do not bother about the meaning of their reasoning and about its reference to the world of real life and action.

This is, of course, an untenable attitude. The first task of every scientific inquiry is the exhaustive description and definition of all conditions and assumptions under which its various statements claim validity. It is a mistake to set up physics as a model and pattern for economic research. But those committed to this fallacy should have learned one thing at least: that no physicist ever believed that the clarification of some of the assumptions and conditions of physical theorems is outside the scope of physical research. The main question that economics is bound to answer is what the relation of its statements is to the reality of human action whose mental grasp is the objective of economic studies. [p. 7]

It therefore devolves upon economics to deal thoroughly with the assertion that its teachings are valid only for the capitalistic system of the shortlived and already vanished liberal period of Western civilization. It is incumbent upon no branch of learning other than economics to examine all the objections raised from various points of view against the usefulness of the statements of economic theory for the elucidation of the problems of human action. The system of economic thought must be built up in such a way that it is proof against any criticism on the part of irrationalism, historicism, panphysicalism, behaviorism, and all varieties of polylogism. It is an intolerable state of affairs that while new arguments are daily advanced to demonstrate the absurdity and futility of the endeavors of economics, the economists pretend to ignore all this.

It is no longer enough to deal with the economic problems within the traditional framework. It is necessary to build the theory of catallactics upon the solid foundation of a general theory of human action, praxeology. This procedure will not only secure it against many fallacious criticisms but clarify many problems hitherto not even adequately seen, still less satisfactorily solved. There is, especially, the fundamental problem of economic calculation.

~from Human Action

I hope that stuff helps, and that you have a good day.