Can You Define Natural Rights as a Meaningful Concept?

I’m afraid you are mistaken (and not for the first time). As I said, I think Zavoi is wasting his time, if he thinks he’s going to convince the subjectivists. Of course, it’s his time, he can do whatever he pleases with it.

I have not been paying attention to the argument, so it didn’t ‘drove me crazy’ (your mind-reading skills failed). Besides, I don’t know how close my position is to Zavoi’s, but from some of the posts I read, I’d say that this endless discussion about the meaning of the meaning of the word meaning is rather pointless.

So basically this.

As far as the justification for the universalizability principle, I like Kinsella’s wording on the anti-state.com forum.

Regarding Kinsella’s argument, here is what I wrote in response in that thread:

Kinsella starts with the notion of legitimacy (presumably, “objective” rightness or wrongness), then instead of sticking with that word he for some reason switches to justifiable and just/unjust. Now we can only assume he still means objective rightness/wrongness when he says just/unjust. But this clarification does not jive well with his challenge:

Plugging in from above, the reader can scarcely be faulted for interpreting this as, “But if there is no objectively wrong use of force, what is it, exactly, that a rights-skeptic is concerned about?” This is no challenge for anyone who does not accept the notion of objective ethics. Kinsella implicitly assumes objective rightness and wrongness are coherent concepts, when that is precisely the underlying issue. [In other words, Kinsella assumes that which he wishes to prove.]

He again assumes objective rightness and wrongness with his usage of the word object (verb):

Since when did objecting require the implicit assumption of objective (a priori) right and wrong? For Kinsella’s purposes, “object” has to mean something other than merely demanding not to be shot and/or providing reasons why pulling the trigger would have consequences the shooter would probably not desire. For Kinsella’s purposes only objections appealing to objective moral truths count as objections, but anyone who rejects the notion of objective moral truth would already reject this narrow definition.

In short, Kinsella’s critique presupposes the existence of objective or a priori moral truth, which is itself the hardest-to-swallow aspect of natural rights theories. If he wishes to defend natural rights, he would do better to try to defend - or even just clearly define - the underlying concept of objective or a priori ethics he takes as given here.

OK.

Why does this matter? Regardless of the origin of an idea, it needn’t be anyone else’s motivation for adopting the position (in particular, it’s not my motivation or goal in taking this position).

I don’t follow your intent here. The statement “‘Objective should’ does not correspond to any meaningful concept” is not itself a statement of obligation, so why ask in what sense one is obligated to act in accordance with it? Similarly if I said, “‘Pzqpqqt’ is meaningless,” what would it mean to be “obligated to act in accordance” with that statement (or its negation)?

What obligation? Not all propositional statements are statements of obligation.

Again, where’s the obligation for the non-cognitivist (which, by the way, is not precisely my meta-ethical position)?

Thank you for your excellent and pithy answer.

I believe I have refuted this part of Hoppe’s argument by demonstrating an equivocation between the usage of the term self-ownership as “range of control” and as “right to control.” If you prefer, it might be faster if you could explain any difficulties you find in my analysis (I’m also happy to continue with your derivation - either one you prefer):

At least prima facie, this seems like quite a blow to Hoppe’s notion of universalizability. (I’m not surprised that the notion of an absolute a priori norm first-occupier property rights is problematic, because it seems to me that most ethicists tacitly admit that homesteading theories spring from consequentialist and intuitive considerations.)

Rules can be worded so as to make this universal. For example, “All people must give any income over $500,000 a year to a community chest, which will be divided equally among all people” (yes, technically the rich will get some of it back).

good quote

Still not universalizable, because the distinction is arbitrarily chosen instead of necessarily presupposed by the participants in the discussion. Arbitrary distinctions are by definition, unjustified.

Ah, I see. Perhaps if we take for granted that Hoppe’s AE arguments are valid, then universalizability does follow. I’ll leave that for Zavoi to answer, because I don’t buy Hoppe’s preceding AE argument anyway.

Nautral law and natural rights need no proof. They are observed and then described like for example the law of gravity. The single best short explanation of both that I have ever come across is here: http://jim.com/rights.html

If anyone wants to discuss this essay it might be interesting.

Like homesteading?

unlike homesteading.

Only gravity exists regardless of whether or not a person believes in it; I don’t see how this similarly applies to natural rights.

Gravity will still affect humans in the physical sense regardless if Stephen Hawking or Mel Gibson decide to barrel roll / jump off of a cliff.

I don’t see how this comparison is nothing short of terrible, seeing how natural rights is a philosophical theory & gravity is a natural phenomena (i.e. a non-artificial event in the physical sense) described to us by science.

Do other people still think coercion is a natural law?

The object of any dispute must be presumed to be objective by those engaged in an argument. This is so obvious.

Kinsella correctly recognises that objective rightness and wrongness are coherent concepts, which must be presumed by any individuals arguing over the rightness and wrongness of any particular class of action. [In other words, Kinsella proves that which he wishes to prove.]

If the skeptic only objects on arbitrary grounds, why the hell should the shooter care? After all, it’s the shooter’s subjective preference that the skeptic should die. Moral relativism/subjectivism/emotivsm always devolves into might makes right. It’s the statist moral doctrine par excellence.

Obviously, when Kinsella uses the word “object”, he means providing, in principle, mutually acceptable grounds for the shooter to not follow through on his whim. Otherwise, the objection would not be any kind of meaningfully constructed argument, but a mere expression of the skeptic’s desire, and entirely irrelevant unless the shooter gives a damn how he feels about being shot (and presumeably he doesn’t).

Actually, he is using an epistemological technique known as negative demonstration. If the denial of a proposition is clearly contradictory, then it must be assumed to be true. Other propositions which have being demonstrated in this way are the law of non-contradiction, the action axiom, the a priori of argumentation and so on.

@ AJ

I think that once you consider that the recognized control can never be argued against, that is, a participant in a discussion is undeniably justified in having a range of control, the entire quote falls into place. Also, we could replace the work ‘right’ with other things like ‘justified interpersonal norm’, ‘just claim’, et cetera and still have the same result. I don’t know why you get so hung up on terminology. Not all words need to be defined in precise terms. Some are just intuitively understood. And ‘right’ is one of them.

The dispute I am addressing is the objective issue of whether “objectively wrong” has a meaningful definition.

You’re implicitly defining “arguing” to mean “arguing over an objective issue,” which is assuming what you’re trying to prove (i.e., that “objective rightness and wrongness are coherent concepts”). People can heatedly and actively disagree over the rightness or wrongness of something based on their subjective opinions, whether or not you want to call that “argument.”

I don’t mind if we limit the scope of the words “argument” and “dispute” to objective issues, but then the subjectivist would simply say that under such definitions it is impossible to argue over whether an action is right or wrong, because they are not objective concepts. (Which puts us back where we started.)

And the shooter would care if he heard an objection on objective grounds? The most effective strategy would likely be to appeal to the shooter’s self-interest, and avoiding performative contradictions is probably not very high on his list of priorities.

First of all, emotivism is a meta-ethical theory purporting to interpret what people mean when they use ambiguous moral language, so it has nothing to say about what is right or wrong - only about what people mean when they say such words. And the subjectivist’s position is that right and wrong are matters of his own opinion/feeling/etc., so subjectivism would only result in “might makes right” (for him) if that happened to be his view.

If you mean that we shouldn’t want Statist politicians to be subjectivist and instead it would be better if they all followed the NAP, I fully agree. However, when there is no monopoly on force, what exactly is the worry? Under the AnCap vision, the law would be what consumers want and pay for, and we can only make educated guesses that there will be a strong tendency toward natural law. I am fine with such educated guesses, and I find such a scenario rather plausible. However, even assuming “objective ethics” can be coherently defined - which I am doubting more and more - I don’t see what purpose it would serve without the State monopoly.

It strikes me as a relic of the paradigm shift from mini-archism to (p)anarchism, especially when we recall that just a few decades ago minarchism was the dominant libertarian view. Under minarchism, it indeed makes sense to not allow subjective interpretation of the Constitution or consequentialist judgments on whether the president needs “emergency powers,” but in the new paradigm you’re no longer forced to live under one master, and moreover there is no monopoly capable of ensuring universal compliance with any “objective” standard.

In other words, subjectivism may have been a proximate cause (of government power abuse), but the core problem was the monopoly on force.

This only works for proving propositions that have coherent meaning, but the coherency of the meaning is the very issue.

Thank for clearing the air on that common misconception!

This only makes sense if “argued against” means “argued to be objectively wrong,” and “justified” means “objectively justified (in the ethical/moral sense)”.

In Kinsella’s example, all of “justified,” “just,” and right" would be meant to presume “objective” ethical content, so all the words carry the same level of meaningless for me. How do you know you’re understanding “right” intuitively (in a logical sense) and not just instinctively or based on your cultural norms or upbringing, etc.? (If you cannot define it unambiguously.)

Isn’t ‘phenomenon’ a basic philosophical concept ?

Never mind, carry on…

well, NR are not Natural Law (such as the law of excluded middle, etc…). Now life, liberty, and property do exist whether or not a person believes them or not. Even in communism it comes down to somebody handing out orders on what to do with the damn thing[:P].

so i agree that NR is a philosophical theory, but one in which law, order, and justice is formulated upon rebutted by for human nature to be, human nature is to be (A is A). In that sense they are laws, right laws. When the larger context of the theory is inquired, such as human prosperity, flourishing, etc… then there is a right way and a wrong way to go about performing such an act. And in the honor of justice such laws based upon the right way to go about living as a human (without initiating coercion) are absolutely understandable. And that larger context considered, then human nature to be what it is: human nature (A is A), instead of going on the path of consciously chosen extinction, a natural order can be discovered that choosing life, liberty, and property is the right way to go. There’s definitely much else to this. The theory has a lot to consider. The violations of such rights do not mean the rights disappear. The counter-winds of a lack of prosperity in consideration of high-time preference events, etc… do erode human nature upon unnecessarily risky ventures (the contraries of NR for humans are death, death, and death so these are not human nature flourishing, but of untimely - deaths.) Since a person can muster the foresight that protecting life, liberty, and property are good, prosperous of human nature, in other words, flourishing to the nature of a human, it isn’t surprising that particular people would come along and have the knowledge to point this out: Protect your life, liberty, and property and you will have a better life - a life in general - as opposed if protecting these was absolutely not something a person did, thus, willing death. It would be the end of an individuals NR when death is called upon and visited. And in general to all humans such a violation is extinction. But with foresight humans have, as said, found it an act of will to protect such basics of living.

in this sense natural rights are observable by noticing human action and instead of needing reminded presently, the foresight of such can lead to all kinds of preparedness (by answering such questions how to best achieve self-defense, what would lead to a more prosperous society that is comfortable in more peaceful relations as opposed to conflictive relations, etc…)

And i see not what this has anything to do with subjective nor objective, so, for those that be, I’m not talking about either of those class conflicts. I’m discussing the deeper values of consideration. I say this now to avoid the confusion that is apparent of being stuck in a dialogue upon such terms as I find there explanatory power to be extremely weak.

good night