(Disclaimer: the term “left libertarian” is very poorly defined( to some extent purposefully I believe, at least in regard to those LLs on these forums), as such I am limiting this post to address the “libertarians” of the Carson, Johnson and now Long variety. as opposed to cultural leftists or even those who are relatively egalitarian or whoever else classifies themself as a belonging to the LL.)
To begin with I’ll address Long’s comments regarding the “conflation conflict”. To begin with I will admit there is, to some extent, a conflation between non libertarian’s conservatives (used in the political, as opposed to cultural sense), who defend big corporations by adopting free market rhetoric, nonetheless, this has nothing to do with libertarianism and everything to do with corporatism. Perhaps, there are some libertarians who occasionally defend corporations with free market economics. This is relatively unimportant, since as Long himself pointed out, it makes no sense to say vulgar libertarians and makes far more sense to say “vulgar libertarianims”. My point here is simply that it the term vulgar libertarian is more a poorly defined term used in regard to anybody the “libertarian” left has a dislike for, or anybody who refuses to adopt the leftist anti rules/ anti egalitarian/ anti corporation ideology.
But so what? First of the term “vulgar” is somewhat amusing coming from the left, who in my opinion can’t make an argument without a few ad homs or routinely misrepresent right libertarians (e.g. those who accuse Hoppe of being a “monarchist”, when he’s said otherwise countless times). A better point is that this argument comes from those who defend thugs who smash up private property (why is it that libertarians oppose the state?). Defend unions who routinely engage in violence and wouldn’t exist without the state (especially in regards to Carson). And favour an alliance with socialists and the left in general. To me this is all just ad hoc nonsense, especially from Long who clearly isn’t as well acquinted with the literature as say, Klein is. Moreover, this seem to be a mirror image of Long’s cultural views and moreso just a chance to pander to the left.
In fact, the whole charge of vulgar libertarian seems silly to me, especially since they (as Kinsella pointed out) use state defined definitions of word and completely ignore the possibility of voluntary corporations. Indeed this whole thing seems to be guilt by association.
Moreover, Long’s example of “conflation” isn’t the only one, nor the most important. Long seems to use “big buisness”, or more appropriately “state favoured buisness” and “corporations” synonomously. Which makes no sense, as Hessen has pointed out buisnesses of all sizes can be incorporated.
Moreover, Long seems to ignore the point brought up that many big corporations didn’t start off as corporations and seem to ignore the economic reasons for becoming a corporation. From this confusion it seems Long goes on to attack the corporate form instead big buisness. I don’t deny that some buisnesses are too big to be sustainable in a free market, in fact, very few people have denied that throughout this debate. I merely have a problem with the way that from this Long etc. jump to the conclusion that other forms would predominate. This without any comparison between the corporation and say, the cooperative.
Moreover as I’ve seen mentioned by LS, there seems to be some arbitrary point at which a buisness is defined as “big” and then that all “big” buisness is propped up by statist intervention. Not only is this very unscientific, but it seems to be injected aesthetic preferences of the egalitarians into the debate. One cannot be sure that buisness would be smaller without the state without a systematic evaluation of each buisness instead there’s only been sweeping generalisations. Indeed there also seems to be ignorance in regards to the particular industry in question. Do Long etc. really believe that cooperative nuclear power plants or airlines for example would be possible? There seems to me to be a claim that certain buisnesses are big without comparing them to anything, this is seen in the fact that they tend to treat certain firms in all areas of the economic as equally too big.
Klein was completely correct when he accused Carson, Long and the other leftists of having commited the nirvana fallacy.
Perhaps another, aforementioned, conflation is that between “vulgar libertarians” and the libertarian right in general.
Now to some specific points:
Unions:
I can’t help but be amused by the leftists in this debate have routinely engaged in declaring the “Rothbardain” high ground and yet fail to remember Rothbard’s position regarding unions.
Now I’m not really going to go into this since I’ve not really seen any adequate defense of unions, which are essentially just cartels (which Long correclty points out are precarious in a free market). However, it seems to me that Carson’s defense of these are very stretched and fails to see that the people who are most vehemently asking for a bailout are the unions. That seems somewhat “vulgar” to me, especially since unions have routinely engaged in violence through their history.
The claim that it is common sense that the state would favour big buisness since “it is easier to control”:
To begin with this claim seems to be shifting the debate from scientific analysis to “common sense”. Which, in this case is extremely difficult to prove. Indeed, one could make an equally likely suggestion that the state will favour small buisness since it is easier to control, since there is far less rivalry for power. Of course, the objection may be raised that I’m creating a dichotomy between the state and buisness that doesn’t exist (a question that I won’t answer), however this objection as makes the original suggestion that the state prefers big buiness equally invalid.
The road problem:
The argument here presented by the left misses the point and ignores two extremely important points. The first is that there it is not necessarily true that small buisness don’t use the roads. That is false, they do use the roads, and indeed the cheaper access to roads that would be provided by the free market would benefit them far less than it would big buisness. Local buisnesses do use roads, everybody does.
The second objection to this argument by Long is that saying small buisnesses are damaged by state owned roads is that this ignores the division of labour. Indeed, it may well be the case that small buisnesses would be more prosperous in areas that large amounts of crops can be grown locally. But even here what about fertilizers and other equipments? And more important what about places where no crops can be grown at all, do you really think small buisness will thrive in these areas?
This attempt to slide in leftist preferences discretely isn’t merely seen here. In fact, Roderick Long’s article seems to me to be an attempt to slide in egalitarianism in other areas by claiming libertarianism to be egalitarian in the sense of “equality in liberty”, which Rothbard correctly dismissed as nonsense, since, two slaves are equally free.
I think the best answers in this debate came from Klein and Kinsella, Block and Hueberts first response was rather weak. Their second one was also of a far higher quality, Caplan’s responses were also relatively helpful.
Two more remarks:
The left often claims the high ground of voluntaryism and yet completely ignores the way in which corporations can indeed be very easily formed by voluntary association.The second remark is that members of the LL on these forums (most importantly BP) claim that the right holds tradition as too important and yet claims that we should go back to our “roots” on the left. Moreover, they seem to ignore that Mises, Rothbard and now Hoppe. Three of the most prominant Austro Libertarians were cultural conservatives.