Zeev Maoz is simply wrong. He documents history then presents opinion. It has no real basis. Let’s take the 1967 war and prove that Israel didn’t initiate it. Israel did not initiate the 1967 war.
- “On the evening of May, 1967, while Israel’s leaders were milling about on the terrace outside PM Levi Eshkol’s office overlooking the stadium where an Independence Day tattoo was about to begin, Lt. Gen. Yitzhak Rabin, chief of the IDF general staff, took Eshkol (who had succeeded Ben-Gurion in 1963) aside and reported unusual Egyptian troop movements across the Suez Canal into the Sinai Peninsula. Within three weeks the equivalent of seven divisions would be deployed in defensive positions, in depth, along the border with Israel. Previously the Egyptians had had less than one division in Sinai.” (Morris, Righteous Victims, page 302.)
- Scholar of international law Yoram Dinstein notes that, “a careful analysis of events surrounding the actual outbreak of hostilities would lead to the conclusion that the Israeli campaign amounted to an interceptive self-defence, in response to an incipient armed attack by Egypt (joined by Jordan and Syria). True, no single Egyptian step, evaluated alone, may have qualified as an armed attack. But when all of the measures taken by Egypt (especially the peremptory ejection of the UN Emergency Force from the Gaza Strip and the Sinai Peninsula; the closure of the Straits of Tiran; the unprecedented build-up of Egyptian forces along Israel’s borders; and constant sabre-rattling statements about the impending fighting) were assessed in the aggregate, it seemed to be crystal clear that Egypt was bent on an armed attack, and the sole question was not whether war would materialise but when.” (Dinstein, War, Aggression, and Self Defense, page 173. Also see Dinstein, The Legal Issues of “Para-War” and Peace in the Middle East.)
- Yoram Dinstein further points out: “The Arab–Israeli conflict is a classical illustration of a whole host of cease-fires, either by consensual arrangement between the parties or by that of the Security Council, halting hostilities without bringing them to an end. Thus, if we take as an example the mislabelled ‘Six Days War’ (sparked in June 1967 and proceeding through several cycles of hostilities), the Council insisted on immediate cease-fire e.g. in June 1967 and in October 1973. Israel and Egypt negotiated a cease-fire agreement e.g. in November 1973. Israel and Syria agreed on a cease-fire e.g. in May 1974. In none of these cases did the cease-fire, whether initiated by the parties or by the Council, terminate the war. In the relations between Israel, on the one hand, Egypt and Jordan, on the other, the ‘Six Days War’ ended only upon (or on the eve of) the conclusion of Treaties of Peace in 1979 and 1994 respectively. In the relations between Israel and Syria, the ‘Six Days War’ is not over yet, after more than three decades, since thebilateral peace process (albeit started) has not yet been crowned with success. A number of rounds of hostilities between Israel and Egypt or Syria (most conspicuously, the so-called ‘Yom Kippur War’ of October 1973) are incorrectly adverted to as ‘wars’. Far from qualifying as separate wars, these were merely nonconsecutive time-frames of combat, punctuated by extended cease- fires, in the course of a single on-going war that had commenced in June 1967.” (War, Aggression, and Self Defense, page 53.) In short, Dinstein is saying that since the Israeli War of Independence of 1947-1948 didn’t technically come to an end, all Israeli-Arab wars since then have been a continuation of that war and those who broke the ceasefire are in the legal wrong.
You can’t understand Israel’s other wars without ending back at the first one (since they are all the same war, legally) and Maoz himself asserts that Israel fought that first war out of necessity.
I find it incredible that you can take Morris quotes out of context. There are several things wrong with your analysis:
-
You are inferring that Morris’ poltiical opinions have any bearing on his worth as a historian. You are wrong, since Righteous Victims was written totally detached from politics and he doesn’t ever mix them (One State, Two State is the most partisan of his works).
-
You quote out of context. I’ve read the Morris’ interview in question many times and I quoted from it earlier. Here are some excerpts:
-
“Ideologically, I support the two-state solution. It’s the only alternative to the expulsion of the Jews or the expulsion of the Palestinians or total
destruction. But in practice, in this generation, a settlement of that kind will not hold water. At least 30 to 40 percent of the Palestinian public and at least 30 to 40 percent of the heart of every Palestinian will not accept it. After a short break, terrorism will erupt again and the war will resume.” -
(When asked about Ben Gurion’s transfer) “If the end of the story turns out to be a gloomy one for the Jews, it will be because Ben-Gurion did not complete the transfer in 1948. Because he left a large and volatile demographic reserve in the West Bank and Gaza and within Israel itself. But I am not a statesman. I do not put myself in his place. But as an historian, I assert that a mistake was made here. Yes. The non-completion of the transfer was a mistake.” He is claiming historical mistake. Ironically, he is right, since a full expulsion would have stabilised Israel more than leaving them would.
-
Yet, he does not believe that they should be expelled. “If you are asking me whether I support the transfer and expulsion of the Arabs from the West Bank, Gaza and perhaps even from Galilee and the Triangle, I say not at this moment. I am not willing to be a partner to that act. In the present circumstances it is neither moral nor realistic. The world would not allow it, the Arab world would not allow it, it would destroy the Jewish society from within. But I am ready to tell you that in other circumstances, apocalyptic ones, which are liable to be realized in five or ten years, I can see expulsions. If we find ourselves with atomic weapons around us, or if there is a general Arab attack on us and a situation of warfare on the
front with Arabs in the rear shooting at convoys on their way to the front, acts of expulsion will be entirely reasonable. They may even be essential.” He’s talking about apocalyptic circumstances when Israel/the Jewish peoples’ very existence is threatened, like the 1947-48 war.
But, if we’re doing character attacks, Shalim and Pappe aren’t without criticism. Pappe: “As a youngster he was a Zionist, passing through the routine stations of high school, army, and undergraduate studies in Israel. (He even mentions his service in the Golan Heights during the 1973 war, apparently still a source of pride.) His glissement into militant anti-Zionism began, he recalls, in 1982, at St. Antony’s College, Oxford, where he was supervised in his doctoral studies by Albert Hourani, an Anglo-Lebanese historian who in an earlier life (1945-1947) had served as a spokesman for Hajj Amin al-Husayni and the Palestinian cause. Hourani went on to become a major historian of the Middle East, and the author of the elegant and acclaimed book A History of the Arab Peoples… While Pappe, as a citizen, was a clear dabbler in radical politics, he still operated within the Zionist camp to the extent that the Israeli Communist Party, to which he belonged, posited the existence of the Jewish state within the framework of a two-state solution-in line with Moscow’s position.”
Morris on Shlaim: “Avi Shlaim steadily drifted leftward (if that really is the direction of people expressing understanding and sympathy for the likes of Yasser Arafat and Hamas), largely under the impact of the Second Intifada. I myself, while still believing that a two-state solution is the only just solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, have moved marginally rightward–and in Israel and Palestine, while mildly praising my historiographic work, Shlaim castigates me for this in an essay called “Benny Morris and the Betrayal of History.” (“Benny is in danger of becoming … ‘a genuine charlatan,’” Shlaim writes, which is a very British way of saying that I am a charlatan. Also “his post-conversion interpretation of history is old history with a vengeance … indistinguishable from the propaganda of the victors.” Shlaim fails to explain how, precisely, I have “betrayed history,” and his name-calling is motivated solely by political disagreement.)”
PS - Your link is Pappe’s ‘refutation’ of a separate review by Morris. It is not Pappe’s response to Morris’ review of The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, which is the book you quoted and I provided a substantial article against. Nonetheless, it does not cover most of the things Morris brought up in his review of A History of Modern Palestine. For instance, Pappe glosses over major issues with his book by saying things like “My book has in it mistakes of the dates, names and numbers as do his books. We should all try and minimize them to note, I agree.” All Pappe does is say “oh Morris is wrong because he’s a Zionist and they’re all bad.”